November 10, 2011
The Russell Tribunal on Palestine (RToP) is an international people's tribunal set up with the intention of seeking justice for the Palestinian people where governments and international institutions have failed to do so. By raising global levels of awareness it is hoped to put pressure on decision-makers to look at the facts surrounding Israel's oppression of Palestinians. Following two successful sessions in Barcelona and London, the third session was held in Cape Town. The tribunal considered the question, "Are Israel's practices against the Palestinian people in breach of the prohibition on Apartheid under International Law?"
Cape Town was a hugely symbolic and fitting venue for the programme, not least because it took place in the iconic District Six Museum in the city. District Six was a thriving multi-racial, multicultural community broken up in the 1970s by the South African apartheid government. Only now are homes being rebuilt for, as far as possible, the original tenants or their descendents. The devastating destruction of a community for purely racist reasons has strong parallels with what is happening in occupied Palestine today. Esteemed veterans of the South African struggle against Apartheid, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Ronnie Kasrils, lent added weight to the value and gravity of the RToP proceedings with their presence.
Before the session began the RToP was mired in controversy. Judge Richard Goldstone wrote what will undoubtedly be regarded as an infamous article in the New York Times in which he derided both the tribunal and the subject matter it was due to investigate. He declared attempts to brand Israel as an apartheid state to be "offensive... false... [and] malicious", claiming that "in Israel, there is no apartheid". This assertion was obliterated soundly during the intense two-day hearing.
The Russell Tribunal brought together a panel of distinguished jurors to listen to experts and witness testimonies on the various ways in which Israel can be said to be committing the crime of apartheid. Among the jurors were Nobel Peace Prize winner Mairead Maguire; Michael Mansfield QC, one of the UK's leading barristers; Ronnie Kasrils, a veteran of the South African anti-apartheid struggle and a former member of Nelson Mandela's government; Stѐphane Hessell, a concentration camp survivor and one of the original framers of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Cynthia McKinney, a former US Congresswoman and presidential nominee for her party in 2008; and Alice Walker, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author.
The tribunal's sitting concluded with the jury's unanimous determination that, having given due consideration to relevant international law as well as examining some of Israel's institutional policies of discrimination against the Palestinian people, Israel can be said to be committing both the crime of Apartheid and the crime of Persecution, both of which amount to crimes against humanity. How did the jury reach that conclusion? The following is a brief summary of some of the key witness testimonies. The experts putting their case to the jury included Palestinian eyewitnesses as well as South African experts on apartheid and international professionals from all walks of life who testified to the apartheid nature of Israel's treatment of Palestinians.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu delivered the opening remarks and began by recalling his "anguish" and "deep sadness" when held up at checkpoints in the occupied West Bank where he witnessed the same gross mistreatment of Palestinians that black people had been subjected to during South Africa's apartheid regime. Criticising the Israelis who "seem to have forgotten their own history" of suffering and persecution and are meting out untold hardships on the people of Palestine, Archbishop Tutu issued the warning that Israel has already lost because, "God is always on the side of the weak, the oppressed, the downtrodden." He asked, "In this situation, who are the oppressed? Who are the suffering ones? ... Always in the end the poor, the oppressed, the marginalised will be vindicated because God is on their side; always… In the Holy Land the Palestinians are the ones who are suffering."
Raji Sourani, a leading human rights lawyer from the Gaza Strip, put the matter into perspective by describing the current status of the occupation of his country. He described the "Swiss cheese" West Bank dotted with its ghettos and "Bantustans", and Israeli control of 80% of the water in the West Bank (Palestinians only get 20 litres a day whereas Israelis get 300 litres per day). He referred to the daily and systematic torture of Palestinians by Israelis, the practice of deportation as punishment, the immoral and excessive use of administrative detention (indefinite detention without charge or trial), and so on. He decried the way that the Palestinian people have been punished, imprisoned and "paralysed" in Gaza for daring to vote for Hamas in free and fair elections. He reminded the jury members how, during Operation Cast Lead, civilians were targeted, as well as schools, homes, hospitals, food and medical storage facilities and even the UNRWA headquarters, and yet no justice has been forthcoming and Israel has not been called to account. Sourani called this a global conspiracy of silence. "The siege is still intact," he said, "the suffocation is still there and there is still the smell of death and destruction in Gaza's streets. The situation is worse now than it was in 2009."
Associate Professor of International Law Max du Plessis, a South African, detailed the relevant legal instruments in international and customary law in relation to the definition and legal prohibitions against apartheid. His assessment included a consideration of the Apartheid Convention ; the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination ; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; and other legislation. He determined that despite arguments to the contrary the legal term apartheid absolutely can apply to situations beyond that to have occurred in South Africa. Dr David Keane, a law lecturer from the University of Middlesex in Britain, also discussed the issues of race and racism for the purposes of international law.
Whereas most experts were either speaking from a Palestinian or a South African perspective, Professor John Dugard, former Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and a South African himself, was able to speak on both fronts from his own personal and professional experience. He described the "substantial similarities" between the white apartheid regime in South Africa and the Israeli apartheid system today, and the similarities in terms of their policies of discrimination, repression and territorial fragmentation. The "discrimination" element, he said, was evidenced inter alia by issues like the racist behaviour at checkpoints; the treatment of Palestinians as "sub-humans"; and the thousands of illegal house demolitions. Prof. Dugard determined that the illegal Israeli separation wall and the racist Israeli-only roads were tools of discrimination which went far beyond anything that was ever employed in South Africa by the apartheid regime. In terms of "oppression" he referred to the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) raids on Palestinian homes; the brutal use of attack dogs; IDF torture of Palestinians; and the practice of administrative detention. Dugard declared that there were far more Palestinian political prisoners in captivity today than there had ever been in South Africa (there are at the very least still 6,000 Palestinians political prisoners incarcerated in Israel). With regards to "territorial fragmentation" and the seizure of land he pointed to the 500,000 settlers (or vigilantes as he called them) who are currently occupying the West Bank. He mentioned how Palestinian land has been expropriated by the Israelis via the construction of the illegal wall, illegal settlements, militarised zones and so on. Prof. Dugard ended by saying that "one can safely conclude that the three principle features of apartheid… are repeated in the Palestinian territories… There are sufficient similarities between the two regimes to justify a full scale investigation…" Furthermore, he criticised the fact that "Israel accuses the Palestinians of terrorism, overlooking the fact that both the IDF and settlers engage frequently in terrorist activities, and so it was in South Africa."
Emily Schaffer, an American-Israeli human rights lawyer based in Tel-Aviv gave a detailed summation of the discriminatory treatment faced by Palestinians under Israeli law. She cited the example of two men committing an identical crime, one being Palestinian and one being an Israeli Jew, and demonstrated how different their treatment would be. This differential treatment includes the following: Israelis are tried under civil law, Palestinians are tried in military courts; the Israeli man will see his lawyer without delay, the Palestinian can be denied access to a lawyer for 31 days (in fact the Palestinian man's lawyer – if a Palestinian himself – may not get the travel permit to travel to the Israeli military base where the prisoner is being held); the Israeli man can expect to see a judge within 24 hours, the Palestinian man can be held for 8 days before a judge sees him; the Israeli could be held on remand for as long as 30 days (in security cases up to 9 months) whereas the Palestinian could be held on remand for up to two years. Moreover, Israeli prisoners have a right to know the charges against them whereas Palestinians don't and sometimes only meet their lawyer for the first time in court. Proceedings are all in Hebrew which is fine for the Israelis but unjust for the Arabic-speaking Palestinians. The Israeli in a civil trial has his proceedings open to public scrutiny and they can be recorded, whereas the trials of Palestinians take place on military bases and are carried out in secret, and often not even family members are able to attend, let alone the media or other interested parties. Maximum sentences also differ according to your race/religion, so whereas a maximum sentence for an Israeli for the crime of manslaughter is 20 years, for a Palestinian there is no maximum and they can be sentenced to life. Schaffer gave many other examples of how Palestinians are denied fair process and the legal and moral presumption of innocence until proven guilty.
Other stark differences in legal processes include the difference in the age of responsibility for Israeli children which begins at a later age than that for Palestinians. Many Palestinians are also subjected to administrative detention whereby they are held without charge or trial, and can be held this way for years on end. Israelis are rarely, if ever, subjected to this form of abuse. By comparing the two different legal systems under which Israelis and Palestinians are treated Ms Schaffer gave one of the starkest examples of systematic discrimination which added to the case proving the existence of an apartheid system in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.
Ironically, the tribunal's second day began with the announcement that one of the Palestinian speakers due to offer first-hand witness testimony about restrictions on movement for Palestinians had been subjected to an Israeli travel ban and was not allowed to leave the country. The point about restrictions on free movement having been demonstrated more by his absence than anything he could possibly have said in person, the morning continued with a discussion on that very subject.
Testimonies were given relating to the denial of basic rights to Palestinians including the right of free movement, which is hindered by hundreds of checkpoints, roadblocks, trenches, settler-only roads and militarized zones. The subjugation of Palestinians living in the Jordan Valley was also highlighted; 59% of the valley is controlled by Israel by virtue of its declaration that the land is either a "closed military area" or a "nature reserve" or designated for (illegal) settlements.
Luciana Coconi described the extent of restrictions placed on Palestinians including discriminatory policies impinging on their rights to health care, water, housing, education and fair wages. Following her, Lea Tsemel, a legal advisor for the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel and a founding member of the Israeli feminist movement, outlined some of the discriminatory bills and laws passing through the Israeli Knesset (parliament) which discriminate against Palestinians. She referred to a series of land laws which make it impossible for Palestinians to buy or lease land; the Nakba laws which make it an offence to commemorate the massacres and mass expulsion of Palestinian in 1948; the Loyalty Oath and so on, all of which amount to a systematic regime of domination and subjugation amounting to apartheid.
Professor Jeff Halper, the Coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolition (ICAHD), described the symmetry between the control of housing rights in apartheid South Africa and Palestine. He pointed out that the figure quoted by ICAHD, of 26,000 Palestinian homes having been demolished since 1967, does not include the number of Palestinian homes and villages destroyed inside Israel itself, nor the homes destroyed during military action, such as during Operation Cast Lead in Gaza where at least 8,000 homes were destroyed; nor does it include self-demolitions in which Palestinians are forced to tear down their own homes to avoid Israel fining them $15-20,000 (fines are reduced by half if you demolish your own home). In his estimation, the Judaisation process and system of relocation "is certainly ethnic displacement and I would even go so far as to say is ethnic cleansing."
One of the most impassioned and hard-hitting witness testimonies was delivered by Palestinian Knesset Member Haneen Zoabi. In the second ironic twist of the day, only shortly after she delivered her testimony it was revealed by session chairman Michael Mansfield that word had just been received that the Israeli Knesset was, once again, trying to strip Ms Zoabi of her Israeli citizenship, presumably, in part, as a punishment for her speaking out about the discrimination that she and other Palestinians are facing. Just before this announcement Haneen Zoabi had stood at the podium and reminded us emphatically that having been born in Bethlehem, "I didn't immigrate to Israel, it was Israel which immigrated to me"; and yet, in the racist narrative espoused by Israel's Knesset, courts and media it is the native Palestinians who are referred to as the "invaders". She said that she and all of the other 1,200,000 Palestinians living in Israel were direct and living proof of the racist Israeli apartheid system. They were not even referred to as Palestinians but as "non-Jews" and as "non-Jews" living in a "Jewish state" they, the "forgotten Palestinians", were described by Israel not as the native people but as a "strategic threat". But, she said, in Israel it is democracy that is the true strategic threat. She asked how a state which privileges Jews over Palestinians and is controlled exclusively by Jews for Jews at the expense of the native Palestinian population could be anything other than a form of apartheid. Her citizenship is conditional on her swearing, not to uphold the laws of the land, but swearing loyalty to Zionism. She went on to describe the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, the Judaisation of her homeland, and the changing of all road signs and place names into Hebrew wiping out the historical names of Arab villages.
Many other witnesses and experts also gave their testimony, including Jamal Juma'a, the Co-ordinator of the Palestinian organisation Stop the Wall, and Mohammed Khatib, a member of the Bil'in Popular Committee Against the Wall and Settlements.
Having given due consideration to the testimony of over 20 experts and witnesses the jurors retired to deliberate and on the third day delivered their opinion which was unanimous and unequivocal: "Israel subjects the Palestinian people to an institutionalised regime of domination amounting to apartheid as defined under international law" and "Israel's rule over the Palestinian people, wherever they reside, collectively amounts to a single integrated regime of apartheid." This applies to Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank, Gaza Strip and Israel, and in the diaspora.
Although not legally binding the Tribunal ended by urging "the state of Israel to dismantle its system of apartheid over the Palestinian people immediately, to rescind all discriminatory laws and practices, not to pass any further discriminatory legislation, and to cease forthwith acts of persecution against Palestinians." It also offered a list of recommendations (including compensation for Palestinians) and called upon the international community to fulfil its duty "to cooperate to bring to an end the illegal situation arising from Israel's practices of apartheid and persecution… to consider appropriate measures to exert sufficient pressure on Israel, including the imposition of sanctions, the severing of diplomatic relations collectively through international organisations, or in the absence of consensus, individually by breaking bilateral relations with Israel."
See full summary of the judgment produced by the Russell Tribunal
[Final Note: The planning for the next session of the Russell Tribunal is currently already underway with New York as a potential venue next September.]
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, 7 NOVEMBER 2011
"May this tribunal prevent the crime of silence"
Bertrand Russell, London, 13 November 1966
The Russell Tribunal on Palestine (RToP) is an international citizen-based Tribunal of conscience created in response to the demands of civil society (NGOs, charities, unions, faith-based organisations) to inform and mobilise public opinion and put pressure on decision makers. In view of the failure to implement the Advisory Opinion of 9 July 2004 of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) concerning the construction by Israel of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the failure to implement resolution ES-10/15 confirming the ICJ Opinion, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 20 July 2004, and the Gaza events of December 2008 – January 2009, committees were established in different countries to promote and sustain a citizen's initiative in support of the rights of the Palestinian people.
The RToP is imbued with the same spirit and espouses the same rigorous rules as those inherited from the Tribunal on Vietnam (1966-1967), which was established by the eminent scholar and philosopher Bertrand Russell, and the second Russell Tribunal on Latin America (1974-1976), organized by the Lelio Basso International Foundation for the Rights and Liberation of Peoples. The tribunal has no legal status; it operates as a court of the people.
The Israeli Government was invited to present its case before the Tribunal but chose not to exercise this right and provided no answer to correspondence from the RToP.
Following the hearings and the deliberations of the jury, the findings of the third session of Russell Tribunal on Palestine, held in Cape Town on 5-6 November 2011, are summarised as follows.
The Tribunal finds that Israel subjects the Palestinian people to an institutionalised regime of domination amounting to apartheid as defined under international law. This discriminatory regime manifests in varying intensity and forms against different categories of Palestinians depending on their location. The Palestinians living under colonial military rule in the Occupied Palestinian Territory are subject to a particularly aggravated form of apartheid. Palestinian citizens of Israel, while entitled to vote, are not part of the Jewish nation as defined by Israeli law and are therefore excluded from the benefits of Jewish nationality and subject to systematic discrimination across the broad spectrum of recognised human rights. Irrespective of such differences, the Tribunal concludes that Israel's rule over the Palestinian people, wherever they reside, collectively amounts to a single integrated regime of apartheid.
The state of Israel is legally obliged to respect the prohibition of apartheid contained in international law. In addition to being considered a crime against humanity, the practice of apartheid is universally prohibited. The Tribunal has considered Israel's rule over the Palestinian people under its jurisdiction in the light of the legal definition of apartheid. Apartheid is prohibited by international law because of the experience of apartheid in southern Africa, which had its own unique attributes. The legal definition of apartheid, however, applies to any situation anywhere in the world where the following three core elements exist: (i) that two distinct racial groups can be identified; (ii) that 'inhuman acts' are committed against the subordinate group; and (iii) that such acts are committed systematically in the context of an institutionalised regime of domination by one group over the other.
The existence of 'racial groups' is fundamental to the question of apartheid. On the basis of expert evidence heard by the Tribunal, the jury concludes that international law gives a broad meaning to the term 'racial' as including elements of ethnic and national origin, and therefore that the definition of 'racial group' is a sociological rather than biological question. Perceptions (including self-perceptions and external perceptions) of Israeli Jewish identity and Palestinian identity illustrate that Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs can readily be defined as distinct racial groups for the purposes of international law. From the evidence received, it was clear to the jury that two distinct, identifiable groups exist in a very practical sense and that the legal definition of 'racial group' applies to all circumstances in which the Israeli authorities have jurisdiction over Palestinians.
Inhuman Acts of Apartheid
Individual inhuman acts committed in the context of such a system are defined by international law as crimes of apartheid. The jury heard abundant evidence of practices that constitute 'inhuman acts' perpetrated against the Palestinian people by the Israeli authorities. These include:
- Widespread deprivation of Palestinian life through military operations and incursions, a formal policy of 'targeted killings', and the use of lethal force against demonstrations.
- Torture and ill-treatment of Palestinians in the context of widespread deprivation of liberty through policies of arbitrary arrest and administrative detention without charge. The jury finds that such measures frequently go Beyond what is reasonably justified by security concerns and amount to a form of domination over the Palestinians as a group.
- Systematic human rights violations that preclude Palestinian development and prevent the Palestinians as a group from participating in political, economic, social and cultural life. Palestinian refugees who remain displaced are also victims of apartheid by virtue of the ongoing denial of their right to return to their homes, as well as by laws that remove their property and citizenship rights. Policies of forced population transfer remain widespread, particularly in the occupied Palestinian territory.
- Civil and political rights of Palestinians including rights to movement, residence, free opinion and association are severely curtailed. Palestinian socio-economic rights are also adversely affected by discriminatory Israeli policies in the spheres of education, health and housing.
Since 1948 the Israeli authorities have pursued concerted policies of colonisation and appropriation of Palestinian land. Israel has through its laws and practices divided the Israeli Jewish and Palestinian populations and allocated them different physical spaces, with varying levels and quality of infrastructure, services and access to resources. The end result is wholesale territorial fragmentation and a series of separate reserves and enclaves, with the two groups largely segregated. The Tribunal heard evidence to the effect that such a policy is formally described in Israel as hafrada, Hebrew for 'separation'.
A systematic and institutionalised regime
The inhuman acts listed above do not occur in random or isolated instances. They are sufficiently widespread, integrated and complementary to be described as systematic. They are also sufficiently rooted in law, public policy and formal institutions to be described as institutionalised. In the Israeli legal system, preferential status is afforded to Jews over non-Jews through its laws on citizenship and Jewish nationality, the latter of which has created a group privileged in most spheres of public life, including residency rights, land ownership, urban planning, access to services and social, economic and cultural rights (see list of legislation and proposed legislation in the attached Annex). The Tribunal heard expert evidence detailing the relationship between the State of Israel and the quasi-state Jewish national institutions (the Jewish Agency, World Zionist Organisation, and Jewish National Fund) that embed and formalise many of the material privileges granted exclusively to Israeli Jews. Regarding the West Bank, the Tribunal highlights the institutionalised separation and discrimination revealed by the existence of two entirely separate legal systems: Palestinians are subject to military law enforced by military courts that fall far short of international fair trial standards; Israeli Jews living in illegal settlements are subject to Israeli civil law and a civil court system. The result is a vastly different procedure and sentence for the same crime, committed in the same jurisdiction, by members of a different group. An apparatus of administrative control implemented through pervasive permit systems and bureaucratic restrictions adversely affects Palestinians throughout the territories under Israeli control. In contrast to the explicit and readily available South African apartheid legislation, the Tribunal draws attention to the obscurity and inaccessibility of many laws, military orders and regulations that underpin Israel's institutionalised regime of domination.
II. Persecution as a Crime against Humanity
Much of the evidence heard by the Tribunal relating to the question of apartheid is also relevant to the separate crime against humanity of persecution, which can be considered in relation to Israeli practices under the principle of cumulative charges. Persecution involves the intentional and severe deprivation of fundamental rights of the members of an identifiable group in the context of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population. The Tribunal concludes that the evidence presented to it supports a finding of persecution in relation to the following acts:
- The siege and blockade of the Gaza Strip as a form of collective punishment of the civilian population;
- The targeting of civilians during large-scale military operations;
- The destruction of civilian homes not justified by military necessity;
- The adverse impact on the civilian population effected by the Wall and its associated regime in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem;
- The concerted campaign of forcible evacuation and demolition of unrecognised Bedouin villages in the Negev region of southern Israel.
III. Legal Consequences
Apartheid and persecution are acts attributable to Israel and entail its international legal responsibility. Israel must cease its apartheid acts and its policies of persecution and offer appropriate assurances and guarantees of non-repetition. In addition, Israel must make full reparation for the injuries caused by its internationally wrongful acts, with regard to any damage, whether material or moral. With regard to reparation, Israel must compensate the Palestinians for the damage it has caused, with compensation to cover any financially assessable damage for loss of life, property, and loss of profits insofar as this can be established.
States and international organisations also have international responsibilities. They have a duty to cooperate bring Israel's apartheid acts and policies of persecution to an end, including by not rendering aid or assistance to Israel and not recognising the illegal situation arising from its acts. They must bring to an end Israel's infringements of international criminal law through the prosecution of international crimes, including the crimes of apartheid and persecution.
In view of the above findings, the Russell Tribunal on Palestine resolutely urges all relevant parties to act in accordance with their legal obligations.
Accordingly, the Tribunal urges:
- The state of Israel to immediately dismantle its system of apartheid over the Palestinian people, to rescind all discriminatory laws and practices, not to pass any further discriminatory legislation, and to cease forthwith acts of persecution against Palestinians;
- All states to cooperate to bring to an end the illegal situation arising from Israel's practices of apartheid and persecution. In light of the obligation not to render aid or assistance, all states must consider appropriate measures to exert sufficient pressure on Israel, including the imposition of sanctions, the severing of diplomatic relations collectively through international organisations, or in the absence of consensus, individually by breaking bilateral relations with Israel.
- The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to accept jurisdiction as requested by the Palestinian authorities in January 2009, and to initiate an investigation 'as expeditiously as possible' as called for by the 'Goldstone Report', into international crimes committed in Palestinian territory since 1 July 2002, including crimes of apartheid and persecution;
- Palestine to accede to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court;
- Global civil society (including all groups and individuals working diligently inside Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory to oppose the system of racial domination that exists therein) to replicate the spirit of solidarity that contributed to the end of apartheid in South Africa, including by making national parliaments aware of the findings of this Tribunal and supporting the campaign for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS);
- The UN General Assembly to reconstitute the UN Special Committee against Apartheid, and to convene a special session to consider the question of apartheid against the Palestinian people. In this connection the Committee should compile a list of individuals, organisations, banks, companies, corporations, charities, and any other private or public bodies which assist Israel's apartheid regime with a view to taking appropriate measures;
- The UN General Assembly to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice as called for by the current and former UN Special Rapporteurs for human rights to the occupied Palestinian territory, as well as by the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa, to examine the nature of Israel's prolonged occupation and apartheid;
- The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination to address the issue of apartheid in its forthcoming review of Israel in February 2012;
- The government of South Africa, as the host country for the third session of the Russell Tribunal on Palestine, to ensure that no reprisals of any sort are taken by the state of Israel against the witnesses that testified before the Tribunal.
The Tribunal welcomes the decision of the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) to admit Palestine as a member. It deplores the punitive action taken by the United States towards the organisation, and urges all states and international organisations to actively support the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. The Tribunal welcomes the solidarity and support of those countries that have consistently and steadfastly supported Palestinian human rights, and urges them to continue with the struggle for justice.
Annex: Legislation and proposed legislation
1. Law of Return (1950)
2. Citizenship Law (1952)
3. Citizenship and Entry to Israel Law (2007)
4. Covenant between the Government of Israel and the Zionist Executive (1952)
5. World Zionist Organization-Jewish Agency (Status) Law (1952)
6. Keren Kayemeth le-Israel Law (1953)
7. Covenant with Zionist Executive (1954, 1971)
8. The Chief Rabbinate of Israel Law (1980)
9. The Flag and Emblem Law (1949)
10. The State Education Law (1953) and its 2000 amendment
11. Absentee Property Law (1950)
12. The Land Acquisition Law (1953)
13. Basic Law: Israel Lands [The People's Lands] (1960)
14. Agricultural Settlement Law (1967)
15. Basic Law: The Knesset (1958), Amendment 9 (1985)
16. The Israel Land Administration (ILA) Law (2009)
17. Amendment (2010) to The Land (Acquisition for Public Purposes) Ordinance (1943)
18. The Admissions Committees Law (2011)
19. The Israel Lands Law (Amendment No. 3) (2011)
20. The Economic Efficiency Law (Legislative Amendments for Implementing the Economic Plan
21. Absorption of Discharged Soldiers Law (1994) [2008 amendment]
22. Absorption of Discharged Soldiers Law (1994) (Amendment No. 12) (2010)
23. Law (2011) to Amend to the Budgets Foundations Law, Amendment No. 40 (The "Nakba Law")
24. The Regional Councils Law (Date of General Elections) (1994) Special Amendment No. 6 (2009)
25. Duty of Disclosure for Recipients of Support from a Foreign Political Entity Law (2011) ("NGO Foreign Government Funding Law")
1. Bill to amend the Citizenship Law (1952) imposing loyalty oath for persons seeking naturalization in Israel and Israeli citizens seeking first ID cards
2. Bill (2009) to amend the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty and limit the judicial review powers of the Supreme Court to rule on matters of citizenship .
3. Bill Granting Preference in Civil Service Appointments to Former Soldiers
4. Bill Awarding Preferences in Services to Former Soldiers
5. Bill to Prohibit Imposing a Boycott (2010) ("Ban on BDS Bill")
6. The Associations (Amutot) Law (Amendment – Exceptions to the Registration and Activity of an Association) (2010) ("Universal Jurisdiction Bill")
7. Bill to Protect the Values of the State of Israel (Amendment Legislation) (2009) ("Jewish and Democratic State Bill")
8. The new cinema bill – would regulate and condition that any state funds would be given to film makers only after they have signed a loyalty declaration to Israel and its institutions as 'a Jewish state'.