August 27, 2009
Will Sayid Hassan Nasrallah please explain the difference to the Arab public between the SLA and the Badr Brigades or Samir GeaGea and Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim? Both of them represent narrow, sectarian interests and share a common racism and animosity towards Arabs and Arab Nationalism. Both of them lead fascistic, sectarian militias that committed some of the worst atrocities the Arab world has ever seen. GeaGea's Lebanese Forces militia specialized in the slaughter of innocent Lebanese and Palestinian civilians and introduced us to "identity card killings."
Following in the path of "identity card killings", Hakim's Badr Organization brought us the new method of killing and torture by drilling holes in the heads of Sunni Muslims in its campaign to cleanse Baghdad, the Arab world's most diverse, tolerant, and cosmopolitan city of "Muawiyah's Grandchildren." Both groups looked to foreign powers for their financing, arming, training, and inspiration. For the Lebanese Forces it was Begin and Sharon's Israel and for the Badr Militia it was Khomeini's Iran.
When the Israeli army invaded Lebanon in 1982 it was the LF who accompanied them as well trained boy scouts leading the way to Beirut, and when the Iraq-Iran war was raging it was the Badr Militia that fought alongside the Iranian army in the hopes of toppling the progressive, Arab Nationalist regime (the Sunni, Baath, Infidel regime in Hakim's parlance), and handing the country over to Khomeini in an attempt to expand the dominion of Wilayit Al-Faqih into Iraq. In 1991 during the so called "Shia uprising" when Iraqi troops were withdrawing from the Kuwaiti province, an incursion by Iranian revolutionary guards into Iraq was assisted by the collaborating Badr brigades.
Hakim and his Iranian sponsors failed twice, but their hopes and dreams were rekindled with the arrival of the "Great Satan's" army into Baghdad in 2003. His Badr militia was quickly dispatched by the Iranians and set up shop in the Green Zone. It was in the basement of the defense ministry where much of the torture and drilling took place under the protection of the US occupation army. As the Badr death squads were busy changing the demographics of Baghdad by butchering Muawiyah's hated grandchildren the political wing of Badr, the not-so-supreme non-Islamic counter-revolutionary council (since changed to the Islamic supreme council of Iraq) was laying the foundation for the dismantling of the Iraqi state, and the creation of a sectarian canton attached to an expanded Iranian-dominated "Shiastan." His attempts to formally dismantle the Iraqi state began with his appointment by the United States to the puppet Iraqi Governing Council serving as its president in December 2003.
Hakim's sectarian and backward, fundamentalist world view was well known to the highly educated and sophisticated Iraqis and as he took his place among the cast of puppets brought to power by the US occupier, he embarked upon the sectarianization of Iraqi politics, an hitherto unknown feature of the Iraqi body politic, and the Islamization of Iraqi society along the lines of Khomeini's Iran. Hakim, and his Badr militia, like GeaGea and LF represent the ugliest political tendencies in the Arab world, and the fascist methods they employed are indefensible. They are both responsible for some of the ugliest massacres we have witnessed in our recent history, and they both mastered the art of self-serving collaboration with a foreign power in the perceived narrow interests of their own sect. Like the right-wing sectarian fascists of Lebanon who allied themselves with the Zionist enemy and looked to France, the colonial power, as the "the tender mother", the right-wing sectarian fascists of Iraq such as Hakim have also pursued a narrow, sectarian, foreign-sponsored (Iran playing the role of "tender mother") agenda that will inevitably fail in Iraq as it did in Lebanon.
In the final analysis, it is only a secular, non-sectarian, anti-colonial, Arab Nationalist program of resistance that can unify the region and ensure the liberation and security of Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine while preserving the rights and interests of all Arabs regardless of sectarian affiliations. In the meantime, the leaders and proponents of all sectarian movements will continue to find themselves, as in the case of Nasrallah's praise for Hakim, bound by inevitable and glaring contradictions from which they cannot break free without rising above their own self-defeating sectarianism.
Sayid Hassan Nasrallah has squandered his popularity in the Arab world and lost much credibility as a result of his stance in Iraq in the past 6 years. And now as he eulogizes Hakim whom he refers to as an "older brother", and describes his murderous and treasonous history as a "struggle" to "uplift" and "rescue" the Iraqi people, Nasrallah has, once again, fallen into the trap of sectarian solidarity. How else can any objective observer who supported both the Arab resistance to Israeli occupation in Lebanon and US occupation of Iraq explain the contradictory positions of Nasrallah on the occupations of Lebanon and Iraq? What is the difference between the South Lebanese Army and the Badr Brigades? And what is the difference between the traitors and collaborators in Lebanon and their counterparts in Iraq?
Raid Khoury can be reached at email@example.com