November 10, 2005
Robert Dreyfuss is the author of Devil's Game: How the United States Helped Unleash Fundamentalist Islam (Henry Holt/Metropolitan Books, 2005). Dreyfuss is a
freelance writer based in Alexandria, Va., who specializes in politics
and national security issues. He is a contributing editor at The Nation, a contributing writer at Mother Jones, a senior correspondent for The American Prospect, and a frequent contributor to Rolling Stone.He can be reached at his website: www.robertdreyfuss.com.
The convicted embezzler, the suave fabricator of
intelligence, and the secularist-turned-Shiite
fundamentalist-turned-Iranian agent, the elusive subject of a
slow-moving FBI spy investigation, and the self-described "hero in
error" approached the podium at the American Enterprise Institute
yesterday after a glowing introduction from Chris DeMuth, AEI's
president. After grumbling that the cherubic man he was about to
introduce has been "defamed, undermined and attacked by agencies of the
U.S. government," DeMuth concluded: "Please give a warm welcome to this
very great and very brave Iraqi patriot, liberal and liberator, Deputy
Prime Minister Ahmed Chalabi."
He's back. And one thing is clear - you can never, ever count Ahmed
Chalabi out. As the cat has nine lives, Chalabi has an
amazing ability to reinvent himself over and over, and he did so once
again at AEI on Wednesday.
Chalabi, who affected an aw-shucks manner, noted that it was the
eighth time he'd spoken before the think tank that effectively launched
his political career. To a packed house - so packed, in fact, that AEI
pointedly disinvited your humble correspondent, who had to watch
Chalabi in digital replay - Chalabi
unloaded a campaign speech for his Iraqi National Congress election
list. On December 15, Iraqis once more will go to the polls to vote for
what will purport to be a permanent government. According to an Iraqi
source, who spoke to me by telephone from Baghdad, the key to Chalabi's
five-week campaign plan is money. Another Iraqi, Aiham Al Sammarae, a
key player in trying to bridge the divides among Iraq 's ethnic and sectarian factions. agrees. "Money talks right now in Iraq," says Al Sammarae. "Chalabi is paying money to all the media in Iraq. How much is he paying them? Where is he getting the money?"
It isn't clear, yet, what kind of reception Chalabi will get from
official Washington, or even precisely why the United States is meeting
with him at high levels. Even Danielle Pletka, the AEI vice president
who is usually a reliable Chalabi partisan, seemed to be wondering
aloud the same thing this week. "I understand why Ahmed Chalabi wants
to see Condoleezza Rice; it is not entirely clear to me why Condoleezza
Rice wants to see Ahmed Chalabi," she told AFP. Other observers flatly
dispute that Chalabi has any chance of becoming Iraq's prime minister.
"I was asked what I thought of his chances," says Wayne White, the
former chief Iraq-watcher at the State Department's Bureau of
Intelligence and Research (INR). "And I said: zero."
Still, Chalabi let slip his central election strategy: to separate
himself from the pro-Iranian Shiite religious parties, who are now
running separately from Chalabi's INC, and to court the support- covert
if need be - of Grand Ayatollah Sistani. In his AEI speech, Chalabi
gently warned Iran not to interfere in favor of the Shiite parties. He
also took note of the apparent fact that Sistani will not endorse any
of the parties running in the election. And he added that many Iraqi
Shiites revere Sistani but don't support parties like the Supreme
Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI). Clearly, Chalabi is
making a bid for the Sistani's support, and portraying himself as a
politician who can bridge the gap among Sistani, SCIRI and Iran. A
pro-Chalabi Iraqi source says that Sistani believes that Chalabi is
Iraq's most capable politician. It's unlikely that Sistani really
believes that. But Sistani is a bearded old hermit who is just as
vulnerable as anyone to Chalabi's brand of snake oil, and Chalabi is an
excellent salesman. The wizard - like Chalabi is also selling the same
snake oil to official Washington this week, and given the
predisposition of the neocons to buy what he's selling, he might
succeed there, too.
The Wall Street Journal has already bought a crate of the
stuff from Chalabi. "Though a secular Shiite who believes in the
separation of mosque and state, Mr. Chalabi may be the Iraqi politician
most trusted by Shiite Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani," gushed the Journal , in a Nov. 9 editorial called "Chalabi Returns."
Showing that he has not lost his talent for flagrant provocations,
Chalabi used his speech to launch a bitter and angry attack against
"Iraq's neighbors" and the Arab League for daring to try to organize a
conference of national reconciliation for the war-torn nation. In fact,
the League's initiative - which aims for a meeting that might bring
together Iraq's various factions - could be the forerunner of a broader
international peace conference that could lead to a ceasefire in the
war and an American withdrawal.
For precisely that reason, Chalabi denounced the effort in high
dudgeon. Chalabi has insisted on de-Baathification measures that
have blacklisted hundreds of thousands of former senior civil servants
and army officers. Chalabi endorsed these measures once more at AEI,
going so far as to introduce an aide traveling with him who serves as
Chalabi's commissar on the committee to de-Baathify Iraq. For pushing
de-Baathification, Chalabi has shut the vast majority of Iraq's Sunni
Arab leadership.
It is that stand, he hopes, that will gain him the support of
Shiites in Iraq's south and in Baghdad who want to consolidate their
hegemony in December. And it shows that Chalabi, and his friends at
AEI, are once again pursuing a high-risk strategy of confrontation
rather than consensus building.