September 2, 2005


The Iraqi draft Constitution clearly revealed the American goals behind the campaign against Iraq, which is the annulment of the national identity of the Arabs, transforming them into sects. According to the Constitution Iraq is not an Arab entity, it is rather part of the Islamic world, the people belong to the sects and their respective religions and not to their national identities. The Arab language, which gained its grammar, vocabulary and conjugation – as well as its points - in Baghdad, has become a language among other languages and perhaps other dialects. Nationalism in Iraq is no longer Arab, it has become Kurdish. In the name of federalism and democracy the national identity of the country, which was historically governed by the Abbasis dynasty, was erased. The sad paradox is that the occupation of Iraq has become part of the past in light of the Constitution. Indeed the occupation is no longer the problem. The occupied Arab Iraq was intentionally removed from the geography of the region. Those who are speaking of an occupied Arab country are now required to prove that this country exists in the first place, for Arab Iraq has become a "multi-ethnic, multi-confessional and multi-sectarian" country; an open arena for a potential civil war and fierce and bitter religious wars that must be contained by an American protection.

Prior to the American invasion of Iraq and shortly afterwards, the Arabs ruled out the possibility of a Kurdish secession, considering that the establishment of a Kurdish entity in the north would be in conflict with the Turkish interests. In addition, Washington will not allow a solution that would be detrimental to its strategic partnership with Ankara. All at once, we see the US granting the whole Iraq to the Kurds. In the new Iraq, the only ethnic group is the Kurdish one; the Arabs are mere religious sects, whether Sunni or Shiite. Their language is a second best of the Kurdish language, has become, according to the scandalous Constitution, an official language, despite the Arab majority. It is worth mentioning that the dangerous Constitution turned the Kurds from being the oppressed to the oppressor. They are practicing the role of the conspirator. Moreover, Kurds were not satisfied by recuperating the rights they were deprived from for decades, they have become a fiercer oppression and actively contributed to the destruction of Iraq’s national identity, anticipating a re-outline of its political role in the region.

The constitutional game in Iraq should be confronted strongly and firmly. Official condemnations should be issued from all Arab capitals against this dangerous Constitution conspiracy, since it goes against the declared Arab position of refusing Iraq’s partition. After the proposal, Arabs will be absolved from their previous position stipulating that what is currently happening in Iraq is an internal affair. However, what is happening in Iraq is not an internal affair, even if Iraq was its current scene and primary stage. In fact, the Constitution aims at concealing the Arab identity of Iraq. Should Washington succeed in passing this plan, it will be a prelude for other constitutions that will be drafted for other countries in the region, one after another. The move will turn these countries from national states into sectarian cantons. Some Arab intellectuals and politicians are paving the way for this plot, by blaming Arab Sunnis because they boycotted the elections and by applauding to the federal regime. They justify their praise by saying that federalism is an aspect of democracy, that proved to be successful in the developed countries, overlooking the occupation and the supremacy of the minority over the majority. Those politicians and intellectuals should be ashamed of themselves, and stop this deception. Blaming the Sunnis for the current state of affairs in Iraq, due to the boycott, is a mere justification for the reprehensible Arab silence; a plain word of truth intended to be fallacious.

No doubt that the position of the Arab Sunnis, with regard to the Constitution, is a genuine and historical position. Supporting the Sunni stances is an obligation that should be assumed by all the Arabs and Muslims. Supporting this defiant and historical position of the Sunni Arabs should not be limited to refusing the Constitution and the demand to amend some of the articles that separate Iraq from its Arab affiliation, in addition to depriving the Sunnis from the Iraqi resources in the name of federalism. The Arab countries should reconsider their internal situation and seriously advocate political and democratic reforms. They should endorse the concept of a modern State by establishing public institutions that consider minorities and people equal in their rights as citizens. Without such reforms, all the Arab countries will remain a possible scene for a similar constitution.

It is almost sure that this constitution has a single merit, despite its destructive nature that separates and does not unite. It will allow for the reorganization of the resistance and will increase its fierceness. Washington will be surprised that the moderate Arab Sunnis, who believe in a political solution to end the occupation, will now join the resistance. This constitution will change from a instrument to eliminate the Arab Sunnis and annul their national identity, to an instrument of provocation and a unifying factor for the resistance against the occupation. The issue has been reversed from a matter of occupation to an existential matter. When existence in at stake, the Arab Sunnis would say: "It is time to act".