December 31, 2005
Since
the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, there have been three elections and one
"transfer of sovereignty". However, the situation on the ground in Iraq
has further deteriorated. What have changed are the pretexts for
ongoing terror and occupation. The U.S. administration is using
elections as smokescreen to manipulate public opinion and legitimise
the subjugation of the Iraqi people to a colonial dictatorship.
As the U.S. and its collaborators failed to control
Iraq on the ground – due to a determined Iraqi Resistance –, they
turned to the air to rain their daily terror on the Iraqi people. With
the complete silence of the "international community", U.S. warplanes
are targeting population centres opposed to the Occupation. The U.S.
air war of the 1990s is being re-enacted again in full force. This time
the U.S. is not enforcing genocidal sanctions and "no-fly zones" – that
killed more than 2 million Iraqis –, but to prop up a puppet government
of criminals and thugs, and in the process instil fear and terror among
the Iraqi population.
Even the Washington Post – the mouthpiece of
U.S. terror – acknowledging the fact that U.S. aerial attacks on Iraqi
towns and villages with high civilian population are indiscriminate and
deliberately killing innocent Iraqis. In one of these attacks more than
80 civilians – hospital records show 97 – were killed when U.S.
warplanes bombed the town of Husaybah in the first week of November
2005. The number of airstrikes carried out each month has risen to five
folds, from roughly 25 in January to 120 in November. After U.S.
warplanes struck homes in Kamaliyat neighbourhood "witnesses observed
residents removing the bodies of what neighbours said was a family --
mother, father, 14-year-old girl, 11-year-old boy and 5-year-old boy --
from the rubble of one house" reported the Post.
On Tuesday midnight 27 December 2005, U.S. warplanes
attacked a house in Al-Dolouieya, 90 km north of Baghdad destroying the
house and killing a father along with two of his daughters, one aged
12. While the Post is a deceptive U.S. propaganda mouthpiece, nevertheless it sheds a dim light on the U.S.-driven terror in Iraq.
From the beginning of this criminal war, Iraqi
civilians have always been the victims of U.S. terror. The "Shock and
Awe" terror is just an example of indiscriminate mass murder. In
October 2004, the reputed and peer-reviewed British medical journal the Lancet
reported that the majority of the estimated 100,000+ Iraqi deaths were
civilians killed by U.S. air bombardments of population centres and
Iraq’s infrastructure, including ministries and cultural heritage. The
aim is not only to kill as much Iraqis as possible but also to trigger
the collapse of the Iraqi society through the destruction of Iraq’s
cultural values and institutions.
After three years of the same, George Bush still has
the courage to tell Western leaders and U.S. allies that the terror
against the Iraqi people must continue until "victory" is achieved. The
U.S. is refusing to withdraw its army from Iraq alleging that the
Iraqis are not ready yet to rule themselves. This contempt on the part
of the U.S. is evident of the West racist and anti-Arab colonial
ideology of deep-seated belief in cultural superiority to indigenous
peoples. It should be borne in mind that the dismantling of the Iraqi
army and police by the U.S. Administration was designed to encourage
insecurity and enforce sectarian divisions.
By replacing the army and the police with
expatriates and U.S.-trained militia gangs, whose loyalty to the Iraqi
state is weak and questionable, the U.S has deliberately increased the
violence and fraternal killings. The U.S. financed and armed these
militia gangs, and allowed them to operate freely. These militia gangs
are bent more on advancing their ethnic and religious interests than on
defending the nation and preserving national unity. By doing so the
U.S. ensured obedience and dependence. In other words, the U.S. aim is
to cement sectarianism and ethnic division, and destroy Iraq’s unity
and national identity.
Meanwhile the third fraudulent elections have been rejected before the final results become public. Iraqis were en mass
protesting the rigged elections. 'No democracy without real elections’,
'rigged polls’, and 'down with the electoral commission’, read a number
of banners carried by thousands of protesters in Baghdad. In Mosul,
anger flared around the university campus after the body of Qusay
Salaheddin, president of the student union, who organised two
demonstrations against the fraudulent elections results, was
identified. He had been kidnapped on 22 December 2005 with one of his
friends. The two bodies were found two days later, handcuffed and shot
in the head. It is American-style democracy at gunpoint. Out of touch
with reality and playing its role as the handmaiden of Western
imperialism, the UN declared the elections "transparent and credible".
The purpose of the elections has always been to
provide enough propaganda to manipulate public opinions, Americans in
particular, and legitimise the Occupation. The elections are imposed
from outside at gunpoint. The elections were illegal, undemocratic, and
based on sectarianism rather than politics. The goal is to produce a
puppet government bent on carrying out Washington’s orders. Elections
will not change the situation on the ground; the end of the Occupation
and the return of Iraqi sovereignty will. Iraqis voted in the elections
because they genuinely believe that the election provide a peaceful way
to end the Occupation. It was a trap.
It is shameful to read the opinions of Western
"progressive" élites, particularly those on "the Left", praising these
imperialist elections as "democratic" elections, "forced by the Iraqi
people on U.S. leaders". To the contrary, the elections were forced on
the Iraqis by more than 200,000 U.S. forces and mercenaries to provide
propaganda for domestic consumption. Unaware that only a full U.S.
withdrawal from Iraq will bring the possibility of democracy and
freedom, the progressive élites parrot Bush’s "war on terror" and
"spread of democracy" distortions.
The reason the U.S. has failed to control Iraq and
implements its imperialist strategy – advancing Israel's Zionist
interests and controlling Iraq’s oil resources – is due to the
determination and courage of the Iraqi Resistance against the
Occupation and its variants. Historical evidence shows that democracy
is not a U.S. trade mark. The U.S. is using democracy as smokescreen to
conceal its failed imperialist agenda. The vast majority of the peoples
of the Middle East view the U.S. and Britain, in particular, as enemies
of democracy and freedom. Resistance is the only answer to unjust and
violent imperialism, and Iraqis have no need for this murderous form of
democracy.
To counter the anti-occupation Iraqi Resistance, the
U.S. and its collaborators, including the mainstream media, are
deliberately misleading the public by describing the Resistance as
"insurgency" and "foreign terrorists". The Iraqi Resistance is not an
"insurgency". Insurgency is an organized rebellion aimed at
overthrowing a legitimate and constituted government by force, such as
the Contras, a U.S. proxy terrorist gang used against the legitimate
government of Nicaragua in the late 1980s. There is nothing legitimate
about the U.S. Occupation and its puppet government in Iraq. The
unwelcome "foreigners" in Iraq are U.S. forces and their collaborators.
This distortion of the fact is part of U.S. psychological warfare not
only against the Iraqi people but also against the rest of the world.
According to the recent report by foreign policy
expert, Anthony Cordesman of the Centre for Strategic and International
Studies (CSIS), the percentage of foreign fighters among Iraqi
Resistance groups is "well below 10 per cent, and may well be closer to
4 per cent to 6 per cent". However, Iraqis are of the opinion that
they are resisting the Occupation on their own with no support from the
surrounding stooges and tin-pot dictators.
The U.S. message is clear: there is no national
resistance to the Occupation, but groups of "foreign fighters" and
"terrorists". The aim is to distort the image of the Iraqi Resistance
and justify a U.S. "counterinsurgency" against it. The opposite is
true. There is a genuine heterogeneous national Iraqi Resistance
movement supported not only by the majority of the Iraqi population but
also by the majority of the Muslim population. The aim of the
Resistance is the liberation of Iraq from foreign occupation. The Iraqi
Resistance has publicly condemned all violence against civilians,
including the well-publicised grotesque beheading designed to blacken
the name of Islam and the Resistance. It is important to make clear
distinction between legitimate resistance that targets the occupying
forces and their collaborators, from those who indiscriminately target
civilians.
UN Resolution 2649 adopted by the General Assembly
on 30 November 1970, "affirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples
under colonial and alien domination recognised as being entitled to the
right of self-determination to restore to themselves that right by any
means at their disposal". In May 2003, the UN declared the invasion of
Iraq "illegal" and in contravention of the UN Charter. In other words,
the Iraqi people have an inalienable right to resist foreign occupation.
As for the UN complicity in the crimes against the
Iraq people by legitimising the U.S.-British Occupation of Iraq, the UN
Security Council has no power to alter the norms governing
international law. "Any Security Council attempt to condone, authorize,
or approve violations of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, the 1907
Hague Regulations, the humanitarian provisions of Additional Protocol I
of 1977 to the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and the customary
international laws of war by the United States and the United Kingdom
in Iraq would be ultra vires, a legal nullity, and void ab initio", writes Francis A. Boyle, professor of law and an expert on international law at the University of Illinois.
In addition, the majority of the Iraqi people reject
the Occupation. A recent poll conducted by the British Ministry of
Defence in August 2005 reveals that over 82 per cent of Iraqis are
"strongly opposed" to the presence of the occupying forces in Iraq. If
one excludes the Kurdish region of Iraq – where the U.S. has some
support – from the poll, the anti-Occupation sentiment is even higher.
Less than 1 per cent of Iraqis think the Occupation forces are
responsible for any improvement in security. This small group includes;
expatriates, who entered Iraq on the backs of U.S. tanks and a minority
of urban elites who have unrealistic and flawed image of U.S.
"democracy".
George Bush refusal to set time for the withdrawal
of U.S. forces from Iraq is not only contrary to the wishes of the
Iraqi people to be free, but also in contradiction of the "tentative
agreement" reached on 21 November 2005 at the Arab League-sponsored
Cairo conference, by Iraqi leaders, including the current puppet
government. It follows that the Iraqi Resistance against the Occupation
and associated violence is a legitimate resistance fighting for Iraqis
right for self-determination and Iraq’s independence.
While the aim of the Iraqi Resistance is the
liberation of Iraq from foreign occupation, the U.S. aim has been to
distort the image of the Resistance and associate it with terrorism.
The issue of terrorism arose once the occupying powers (U.S. and
Britain) failed to justify the invasion of Iraq, and the surprise and
immediate rejection of the Occupation by the Iraqi people. Thus, the
U.S. and its collaborators embarked on distorting the image of the
Iraqi Resistance by gross manipulation of the media and therefore of
the public. Allegations of attacks on civilians, kidnappings of
foreigners and the old imperialist cliché of labelling the resistance
as bands of "terrorists" and "insurgents" were just few of the
distorted images. The creation of Al-Zarqawi phantom is a good case in
point. As Iraqis say; "If Al-Zarqawi is not dead, he is happily living
on an American base".
According to the CSIS report, operations carried out
during the period from September 2003 to October 2004 by the Resistance
and aimed at U.S. and other occupying forces constitute 75 per cent of
all attacks, compared to 4.1 per cent aimed at Iraqi civilians.
However, the report does not provide evidence that attacks on civilians
was carried out by the genuine Iraqi Resistance groups. The Iraqi
Resistance has nothing to gain from crimes against civilians; it is the
aim of the U.S. forces to terrorise the population and turn them
against the Resistance.
The bombing of crowded markets and mosques during
time of prayers, and the capture by Iraqi Police of two British SAS
officers planting bombs in civilian areas in Basra last October is
evident of how far the U.S. and its collaborators will get to distort
the image of the Iraqi Resistance and justify ongoing Occupation.
Italian journalist Giuliana Sgrena of the daily Il Manifesto,
who was taken hostage and was freed on 04 March 2005, recalled that her
captors had warned her to be cautious of the Americans after her
release. Although, she had dismissed the caution as "superfluous and
ideological", she recalled the words when the U.S. marines shoot at her
car killing Mr. Nicola Calipari, an Italian intelligent agent. "They
declared that they were committed to the fullest to freeing me but I
had to be careful, 'the Americans don’t want you to go back’", wrote
Sgrena. There is no reason not to believe her story, as Sgrena was not
part of the circus of imbedded journalism and have reported crimes of
rape and abuses of Iraqis by U.S. forces.
The German-Iraqi archaeologist, Susanne Osthoff, who
was held hostage by a group of anti-Occupation fighters described her
captors as; "poor people [and I] cannot blame them for kidnapping me,
as they cannot enter the [fortified and heavily guarded] Green Zone [in
Baghdad] to kidnap Americans. I was treated well … they were not
criminals [and their action] was political", she said in an interview
after her release. Yet, any comparison with the Occupation’s crimes of
torture and murder of Iraqi prisoners and detainees is unwarranted.
As the terror becoming unbearable, the Council of
Nineveh Province has called on the "international community" to put an
end to the daily "crimes committed by the American occupation forces
assisted by members of the Interior Special Forces and National Guard".
The communiqué specifically accuses the occupation forces, the
Iranian-trained Badr militia and the Kurdish militia of committing
crimes of "rape of Iraqi women", ethnic cleansing of Arab Iraqis in
Kirkuk, Mosul and Tel Afar. "The Iraqi Government is partner to all of
these crimes in the absence of the media and in particular the killing
and kidnapping of journalists by mercenaries of the occupation … to
enable the slaughter of Iraqi people without witnesses", added the
communiqué. Of course, the silence of the "international community" is
deafening.
It is noteworthy that Iraqis, who are the hostages
of the victims of the Occupation, show great solidarity with foreign
hostages held in Iraq and often demonstrated and demanded their
release. With no reciprocity, the silence of Westerners and the lack of
solidarity with the Iraqi people demonstrate the ignorance and moral
passivity of the West. The failure of Westerners to hold their leaders
accountable for a war of aggression and war crimes committed in their
name against the Iraqi people is evident of flawed and distorted
democracy at home.
While the U.S. terror against the Iraqi people
continues, it is incumbent on the people of the world, including the
American people, who have concern for peace and the rules of law to
show their solidarity with the Iraqi people. It is time to stand up
against fascism by demanding the full and immediate withdrawal of U.S.
forces from Iraq.
Global Research Contributing Editor Ghali Hassan lives in Perth, Western Australia